After nearly four decades under General Yoweri Museveni, Uganda faces a question bigger than who becomes the next president: Are we building a republic where leadership changes through strong democratic institutions, or gradually normalising political inheritance? And if 40 years were not enough, why should Uganda inherit the same Politics?
The growing political influence of General. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, General Museveni’s son and Chief of Defence Forces, makes this question impossible to ignore. Ugandans should not oppose anyone merely because of his family background. However, being born into the First Family should not become an unofficial pathway to State House.
The debate must begin with an examination of the current government’s economic legacy.
When the NRM came to power, Uganda inherited an economy severely damaged by years of political instability. Subsequent economic liberalisation, privatisation and structural reforms helped restore growth. However, many government enterprises were also privatised or sold, leaving the private sector to occupy roles previously performed by the State.
Decades later, Uganda continues to borrow heavily to finance development and government expenditure. Public debt has risen substantially, while debt servicing consumes resources that could otherwise be directed towards strengthening healthcare, education, agriculture and productive infrastructure.
After 40 years, therefore, Ugandans should ask a straightforward question: What economic model is the next generation of leadership proposing that is fundamentally different?
Agriculture exposes this contradiction most clearly.
Uganda produces coffee, cotton, cocoa, milk, fruits, fish and numerous other commodities. General Museveni has repeatedly criticised Africa’s continued export of raw materials and importation of expensive finished products. His diagnosis is largely correct.
However, after four decades in power, why are we still diagnosing the same problem?
Uganda should increasingly export roasted, packaged and branded coffee rather than remain heavily dependent on raw beans. Cotton should support competitive textile industries. Cocoa should supply domestic processing facilities.
Agricultural transformation should enable farmers to participate in value chains in which processing, branding, technology and export earnings create jobs and wealth at home.
A government cannot continually identify value addition as the solution while treating its incomplete implementation as someone else’s responsibility.
Oil presents another historic test, Uganda is developing the East African Crude Oil Pipeline from Hoima to Tanzania’s coast while separately pursuing domestic refining capacity.
The true measure of success will not simply be whether Uganda exports oil. It will be whether petroleum generates industries, technical expertise, infrastructure and opportunities capable of improving the lives of ordinary Ugandans.
This is precisely why succession matters.
Gen. Muhoozi must be assessed not as President Museveni’s son, but as a potential national leader. What economic philosophy does he offer? What institutional reforms would distinguish his leadership? How would he address unemployment, corruption, public debt, agricultural industrialisation and Uganda’s continued dependence on commodity exports?
Military rank and proximity to presidential power cannot answer these questions.
Ugandans should also be concerned whenever political advancement appears increasingly connected to loyalty rather than to strong, independent institutions. A republic becomes weaker when citizens begin to believe that access to power depends on proximity to a ruling family.
President Museveni has spent decades presenting himself as a Pan-Africanist who believes Africans must trade with one another, industrialise and resist economic dependency.
However, Pan-Africanism should also mean building African institutions capable of surviving individual leaders and their families. Uganda therefore does not need another Museveni simply because the first Museveni has ruled for decades. Nor should Ugandans reject Muhoozi solely because his father is president.
The principle must be greater than both men. Ugandans must constitutionally resist any attempt to transform political privilege into inherited entitlement. The next president should emerge from genuinely competitive politics, credible institutions and the freely expressed will of the citizens.
Our greatest national achievement should not be the successful transfer of power from father to son. Uganda is a republic, State House is not a family inheritance.
Author is a social development specialist and CEO Bridge your mind Centre.
Email: bwani.jose@gmail.com
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