INTERVIEW
• With focus on restorative justice, terror convictions, and respect for rights
As the Department of State Services (DSS) marks its 40th anniversary, Oluwatosin Ajayi, its Director-General, has orchestrated a remarkable transformation of Nigeria’s premier domestic intelligence agency. In just two years, he has shifted the DSS from an organisation once feared for arbitrary arrests and press freedom violations to one celebrated for restorative justice, human rights compliance, and unprecedented media cooperation. Under his leadership, the agency has paid over N300 million in compensation to victims of operational errors, secured multiple death sentences and life imprisonments for terror suspects, and achieved an eight-year low in malpractice through strict law enforcement. His reforms span five pillars: law enforcement, inter-agency synergy, accountability, human rights respect, and infrastructure modernisation. From recruiting orphans as human intelligence assets to establishing creches for female staff, his people-centred philosophy has redefined intelligence work. As Nigeria confronts evolving security threats, his tenure offers a masterclass in balancing operational effectiveness with democratic accountability. He met with senior Editors for an open interactive session recently. Excerpts:
You finally agreed to honour our request for an interview after many failed attempts. What changed?
I changed my mind to encourage an improved relationship between the media and security in Nigeria. Moreso, it is not unusual with intelligence organisations globally to do this when the need arises. Our counterpart, the current director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), held a televised briefing on 16th September 2025, where he spoke about the agency’s fight against criminal cartels, terrorism, and drug traffickers. Traditionally, the MI6 chief also gives an annual public speech to build public trust and explain threats.
The DSS clocked 40 this year. We expected some fanfare, but it’s quite quiet. Can you walk us through your experience over the past decades?
Intelligence organisations are not disposed to public fanfare. We hold most of our celebrations internally. Moreso, the mood of the nation does not warrant that now. The background is that I grew up in the Service. I started as a cadet officer, rose through the ranks, and, by God’s grace, I am here. So, I have been part of the system. I therefore acknowledge our challenges and problems. I also know the strengths and weaknesses of the system. Thus, what I have done over the last two years is not different from what I did at every level of leadership I held before now.
In summary, I am building on past management’s successes, improving on our weaknesses, and developing our strengths. One result I think you can see is, firstly, strict law enforcement, which is one of the things that helps every society. The convictions of terror suspects and other criminal elements so far prove this. Secondly, and quite importantly, is improving cooperation between sister agencies and our foreign allies. I’m sure you must have also noticed that, and then improving the Service’s respect for human rights.
Where we commit unavoidable errors, we proactively compensate victims without waiting for litigation. In cases where the court has issued an order, we ensure the compensation meets the highest standards of adequacy. For instance, in a N10 million compensation judgment, the person we mistakenly shot deserved more, so we added N10 million. We also provided him with fully covered medical treatment. Of course, we are also purging ourselves. We maintain a zero-tolerance policy towards unethical conduct. Such staff are not accommodated in our Service. We enforce a strict disciplinary process and keep the public duly informed. The idea is to be proactive in addressing misconduct to ensure that ex-staff do not go on to commit crimes in our name. That’s a summary of what I have concentrated on in the past two years.
Tell us about some specific reforms.
The reforms fall into five broad categories: law enforcement, synergy, accountability in what we do as a Service, respect for human rights, and infrastructural and administrativeative reforms to enhance operational efficiency.
You are right to narrow your focus to accountability and human rights. Before you came in as DG, the DSS was known for arbitrary arrests and extrajudicial treatment of suspects. Can you speak to the specific actions you took that led to the improvements we are seeing now?
We visibly separated civil matters from criminal matters. My experience through my career path showed that we conflated the two aspects. For instance, I must thank you in the media for my three awards from IPI, NUJ, and BON. You cannot apply the use of force in civil matters. Even some criminal matters don’t require force. Take, for example, the attempt at the establishment of a shadow government, that is, the Service versus Pat Utomi. Rather than arrest him, we sought judicial interpretation. The court ruled that his adventure was unconstitutional, illegal, and a threat to national security. So it was with SERAP, which wrongly accused two DSS operatives of invading their premises. They approached the court with my approval. Throughout the process, nobody was arrested, and the court awarded over N100 million in their favour.
The case with the owner of Sahara Reporters (Omoyele) Sowore is the same. Even on day one, when he went to court, the court asked whether we objected to his bail, and we said no because we didn’t arrest him in the first place. He was granted bail on personal recognisance, so whatever transpired that he violated court process is unrelated to the Service. Then the court revoked it but eventually granted him bail with conditions.
So, you now go to court for civil matters?
Yes. I have told my people there should be no arrest in any civil case. I’m sure you have found out that, even in cases involving journalists, we would rather approach the court because we do the same job. I call you our professional colleagues. The only difference is that, while you inform the public, we inform the government. And because we inform the government, our information is classified until we declassify it.
Journalists will disagree when you call them your professional colleagues because, before you came, your agency was known for serial violations of press freedom.
You can attest to the fact that not a single journalist has been victimised under my watch. Where any misgivings arose, and I became aware of it, we responded immediately and offered an apology. As in the case of a journalist in Plateau State, I apologised for our staff’s error, and the NUJ president confirmed it. It was one of the reasons they cited for awarding me as NUJ Man of the Year 2026. If for any reason we need to question a journalist, we go through the IPI, the NUJ, or any other relevant body.
But what suddenly changed in the relationship between DSS and the media? It was very frosty in the past, and your agency was known as the biggest violator of press freedom, journalists’ safety, and independent journalism. So, what changed suddenly?
What changed is that I believe civil matters do not require the use of force. We also have a responsibility to protect journalists’ rights so they can do their job. Having been in the system, I have seen many things we could have handled better, and I am bringing those lessons to bear. Journalists do similar work we do. In some cases, we even rely on them for information, so it makes no sense to use force against them. We can simply call the NUJ president, the IPI, or another relevant body if there is an infraction because they are known people, not criminals, terrorists, or people hiding in the forest. That is why I decided we must protect journalists and allow them to do their work. Our energy is focused on terrorists and other criminals, not on fighting our partners. Differences can be resolved through dialogue or judicial interpretation.
People are wondering how an agency that was once seen as hostile to the media now enjoys a robust relationship with it, to the point th media organisations have awarded you several honours.
As I said earlier, what has changed is our respect for people’s right to do their jobs without hindrance. Our responsibility is to protect those rights. If a journalist publishes an inaccurate report about the Service, my first step is to request a correction, not to make an arrest. We’ve done this on several occasions. For instance, when some media organisations reported that the DSS invaded the Lagos State House of Assembly, we demanded a retraction of the story within seven days. When they all complied, we took no further action because that’s the proper civil approach. The same happened with the report from the Order Paper, which alleged that the DSS was involved in moves to impeach the Senate president. We clarified the facts and requested a retraction. Where there is a refusal, we seek redress through the courts, not arrests. That is the same approach we adopted in cases involving SERAP and Sahara Reporters.
So where are you on SERAP? Is there no way to resolve the matter out of court?
We are very open to conversations if they apologise. We didn’t invade SERAP, and the court ruled in favour of the two operatives who sued for defamation. They chose to appeal the ruling, and we respect their right to do so.
What about the issue of detention?
Let me stress something on this. You see, if I, as leader of this organisation, can tell my staff across the States to apologise when wrong, that must mean something. It is a sign of courage to admit errors, as we are doing, and to pay compensation when a mistake is made without waiting for the court to order us. So when you wrong us, should you grandstand instead of apologising, and turn it into a pity party or false claims of harassment?
Your agency had a past reputation for arbitrary arrests and prolonged detention, then releasing those found innocent without any justice or redress. But lately you’ve been paying compensation in several cases. What informed this change in approach?
The simple reason is, you cannot do injury to someone, go on to admit that it was a mistake and then refuse to seek restitution. Even before God, there is room for restitution. Sometimes it is to heal the trauma, to provide the resources to help reintegrate, after we’ve disrupted a life. Most times, we follow up to see how to get the victim back into business. You see, what people hear is initial compensation, like the Jos businessman. We actually went further to set up a business for him, and he is now an employer of others.
What happened to the Jos man really?
He was mistakenly shot, and in 2016, there was a court judgement for the Service to pay compensation of N10 million. It happened in 2016. A court had ordered the Service to pay him N10 million in compensation, but that wasn’t done. I take responsibility and won’t justify what happened then. However, on assuming office as DG, I ordered a review of such cases because I believed we had to correct our past mistakes. As the Yoruba say, ‘When you wake up, that’s your morning.’ It’s never too late to do the right thing. When I was appointed, the president’s only charge to me was that he expected me to do things differently, respect people’s rights, and uphold the reputation I had built. That guided my decision. Our review showed that, in some cases, we were clearly wrong. Compensation for operational mistakes is not uncommon. Countries such as the UK and others have done the same in similar circumstances. After our medical team assessed his condition and found that his leg had deteriorated significantly, we offered him treatment in our hospital and eventually approved an additional N10 million to help him rebuild his livelihood. For me, it was about justice, accountability, and strengthening public confidence in the Service.
You call this restorative justice, and we learned that your agency has paid about N300 million in compensation so far. You’ve talked about the Jos man. So, what are the other cases?
There are several others. In one case, an Abuja-based businesswoman was mistakenly arrested during an operation targeting suspected oil bunkerers. She was simply there to deliver goods. Once investigation confirmed she was innocent, she was paid an initial N10 million in compensation, and I directed my officers to support her in rebuilding her business. There was also the case of the Ifedi couple arrested before I became DG and detained in Wawa. It was later established they were not terrorists. The woman’s only link was that IPOB members patronised her restaurant, and that was clearly not enough to label her a member. I ordered their release, compensated the professor, and we are discussing how to preserve his late wife’s memory by acquiring the restaurant’s premises and rebuilding it in her honour. Those are just a few examples. There are many other cases across the country where people who were wrongfully detained have been released and compensated.
One case that received little media attention involved an operation in Cross River State. Our operatives were pursuing a notorious kidnapper who fled into a student area. During the operation, four female students had their phones damaged. When I was briefed, I directed that their phones be replaced immediately. The students insisted they only wanted the repair of the damaged devices, which spoke to their integrity. I also approved scholarships to support their education. For me, that’s the right way to respond when innocent people are affected during legitimate operations.
Was this in addition to their telephones?
Yes. My three children were in universities at some time in their lives, and I only imagined how they’d feel seeing people with guns destroying their phones. I know the trauma and decided to do something to ease it. I could list a lot more, but the amount is certainly higher than N300 million. Some don’t even get to the press.
What is the philosophy behind this restorative justice within an Intelligence agency?
The philosophy is that the intelligence community leverages humans as its greatest asset, not only technology. In intelligence, you need people. An intelligence service that is completely alienated from the people by its conduct might not get the credible information it needs. Much as our activities are not open, we do a lot to endear ourselves to the people. We try to conceal these activities, but some of them still leak.
For instance, our humanitarian outreach across the LGAs targeting the indigent in these areas was not made public. Somehow, one chairman put it out: ‘Look at what the DSS did for our people’. We have offices across all 774 local governments, 37 commands. When people are hurting or aggrieved, even if they have information, they might not volunteer it, though they will be ignorantly harming themselves. That’s why we correct any injustice against people.
Following what you have just said, is there a link between that and your recent recruitment drive targeting orphanages? How did that come about, because there were reports that you were hiring people from orphanages?
It’s part of our philosophy that people are our greatest intelligence asset. Human intelligence is more valuable than any technology because people can provide context, answer questions, and be engaged repeatedly in ways machines cannot. That’s why I believe in treating people fairly and correcting injustices. When people trust you, they are more willing to work with you. In security, we summarise it this way: one of the most effective counterterrorism measures is ‘reducing areas of discontent’.
Are you saying those in orphanages are discontented, or that you see them as valuable human assets?
No. First and foremost, they are part of our society that can be easily forgotten if care is not taken, so they’re vulnerable. And then, as you rightly said, despite that, they can be very useful, but you can still forget. The ones we’ve had to recruit in the past have done very well for us. I have been doing this before I became DG in every state where I served as state director. But I remember one of those I recruited. She remained in the orphanage and helped to groom and reorient others to become better citizens. So, they form part of human assets, but if there is no deliberate action to seek them out, they could easily be forgotten. Interestingly, from experience, some of our best brains are from there. It’s what I have done, and now am doing at the national level. Again, I don’t know how that got out because I like to do it quietly, as I did for 14 years as state director across five states.
So, these people are graduates?
Graduates are recruited into the officer’s cadre, and others are recruited into our junior cadre with a First School Leaving Certificate. Afterwards, they train in the Service.
You’ve been talking about intelligence. Some people see your agency as simply providing intelligence that makes government happy. What will you say to that?
Some people even say we only act after crimes are committed, but much of our intelligence work is classified, so the public never sees it. Our job is to provide intelligence to the government and sister agencies, including advice on the security implications of policies, not to tell the government what it wants to hear. The intelligence helps prevent attacks, rescue victims, identify perpetrators, and make arrests. While many of those successes cannot be disclosed, recent cases, including suspects arrested for planned terrorist attacks, show that preventive Intelligence is at work.
If you gather all this intelligence, why doesn’t the government do enough to stop these attacks?
I want to anchor on the fact that we recognise that attacks are still happening, which tends to diminish our efforts. For instance, somebody whose child was kidnapped doesn’t care if you prevented 200 attacks. For that person, you haven’t achieved anything. Premised on that, I acknowledge we need to do more. The president keeps urging for the protection of Nigerian lives. He doesn’t forget to caution that ‘Nigerians are in a hurry to celebrate peace’. That’s what is important, and we have to do more. But talking specifically about sharing intelligence, what happened to the attacks that were carried out? I’ll first draw your attention to the fact that, all over the world, no one can completely root out crimes 100 per cent. But we owe it to this generation and those unborn to reduce crimes to the barest minimum.
If we go by those who even started the intelligence business before us, here we are talking of 40 years. You can imagine the global threat levels and how even the most powerful nations on earth are currently grappling with various forms of internal insurgencies, heightened violent crimes, among others. Thus, intelligence all over the world can’t be perfect. I won’t tell you it’s 100 per cent. Secondly, where we get a good percentage of it, there are issues such as capability, terrain, and the need for strategic decision-making. Hence, presidential action on state police and forest guards is a strategic solution to enable vulnerable communities to defend themselves.
Imagine our closeness to the Sahel and the difficult terrain around Lake Chad. Imagine the Niger Delta militancy and the challenge of navigating the creeks by regular forces. We have such peculiar problems that require strategic solutions. Take the example of a state with difficult terrain with its own police. They know how to deploy. The federal authority cannot do it fully. So, intelligence is here. Difficulties in curbing threats stemming from certain issues also exist.
Do you think these factors contribute to the inability to provide a swift response? People complain that the response isn’t swift enough. For instance, the Oriire attack in Oyo and the fact that the victims were held for weeks before eventually being rescued. Are the above reasons why that has not been achieved?
What I’d tell you is that immediately the incident happened, based on credible intelligence, troops chased them immediately, and sadly, a vigilante and a policeman were killed. During the second raid, more were killed, making a total of nine fatalities, four civilians and five security personnel. It was a complex operation involving a two-and-a-half-year-old infant who cannot run much if we invaded the place.
As expected, the rescue operation attracted a lot of social media disinformation; you have to sieve the information there. I give you an example: while that incident lasted, they were posting deepfake videos of children beaten with lacerations on their bodies. They were actually footage from a particular country on witchcraft-related incidents passed off as real-time crude events here. Recall the victims recounted how well treated they were by the criminals.
One of the things I’d like you to do in the media is fact-finding and separating facts from fiction. Some patriotic Nigerians understood that a soldier was killed. Other lives were lost during the rescue operation, and they empathised, having learnt about the nature of the kidnap group—an international terrorist group with links to Al-Qaeda. Citizens ought to know that the incarcerated leaders of the kidnap group who were requested in exchange for the victims were arrested last year by the Service; their arrest helped to prevent high-profile attacks.
These are people found complicit in the Abuja-Kaduna train attack and were planning more kidnappings of foreigners, students, women and their children on a large scale to demand state recognition and freedom to practice their religion somewhere; the arrest of their leaders proving proactiveness. The kingpins are the ones now sentenced to life imprisonment; the three other collaborators earned life imprisonment, which the Service will push for a stiffer penalty.
Let me ask you because we are talking about working with other agencies. How will you assess the working relationship between your agency and other sister agencies in Nigeria and with foreign intelligence partners? Where are there gaps and where is cooperation strongest?
Locally, our intel sharing is great. Over the decades, we have collaborated with our allies in the US, the UK, France, and many other European countries. After we share our intelligence, we determine where we want the joint boots on the ground. Don’t forget that sometimes around 2000, US soldiers came to join us to deal with some threats. So, it’s very useful. One of our strengths is that we are very open with ourselves and get support when we need it; we also support them. It’s the openness and frankness that are our greatest strengths. Can it be better? Yes. We will achieve many more feats with the liaison we now share. Our citizens often misunderstand it, and we must keep educating them.
Regarding inter-agency rivalry, how are you navigating that?
For me, that has to do with leadership. Anytime you see it happen, it is because a leader encourages it. My operatives know I encourage collaboration and joint operations. I must commend the leadership of all the agencies; we have an excellent working relationship. In fact, it was demonstrated in Oriire, Oyo State; no single agency could claim supreme credit for it. It was jointly achieved, and you saw the GOC, when he was giving his brief, call out every other agency that participated—DSS, navy, air force, police, NSCDC, vigilante, everybody. When you see rivalry thrive, the leaders encourage that.
You commented earlier about sentencing and obviously about the recent case that the Ansaru leaders were given life imprisonment, and you are pushing for a death sentence. It seems the problem with capital punishment is in the carrying out of the executions. We’ve not had one in close to 20 years. Is there an effort to get Mr President to sign the execution of these death sentences?
A nation evolves with its realities. Years ago, when we did not face this level of violence and terrorism, hesitation over signing death warrants may have reflected a different context. Today, with terrorists attacking innocent people in public, the reality has changed. I doubt any responsible authority faced with that level of brutality would refuse to sign.
Okay, so you’ve been getting a lot of convictions. Some life sentences and some death sentences. What are you doing differently that’s getting massive convictions across the country?
Diligent prosecution. It is not enough to allege that someone committed a crime; you must prove it. We are strengthening our investigations, evidence gathering, and understanding of offences because justice depends on the facts presented before the court. Even a strong case can fail without convincing facts.
We have heard of massive infrastructural developments you have carried out since assuming office, and today we are fortunate to see them. Such great changes. How did you achieve this feat in just two years in office?
From the very first day I assumed office as director-general, one of my priorities was to provide a befitting and functional working environment for our officers and men. We completed construction of a new modern office building by Julius Berger to accommodate the expanded Service organogram, which required additional office space for staff, along with several other welfare and capacity-building projects across the Service: i. Construction and renovation of staff quarters and transit accommodation.
ii. Establishment of creches in state commands and at the NHSS to support our female staff.
iii. Provision of operational vehicles, surveillance equipment and modern armament; details of which I can’t give.
iv. Upgrade of sporting facilities to promote fitness and esprit de corps.
v. Upgrade of the medical equipment/facilities to improve access to quality healthcare for personnel and their families.
My vision is simple: a modern, professional Service must have infrastructure that matches its mandate. When officers work in an environment that respects their dignity, their productivity and morale naturally improve. The support of the president to us and other security agencies has been enormous.
In commemoration of the DSS’s 40th anniversary, how has the agency fared?
By Decree 27 of 1976, after the assassination of the then Head of State, Murtala Muhammed, the National Security Organisation (NSO) was established by Olusegun Obasanjo as the sole domestic and external intelligence agency in the country. Initially composed of part of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), E Department (Special Branch) of the Nigerian police and part of the Federal Ministry of External Affairs, it was split into three by National Security Adviser (NSA) Act of fifth June 1986; Department of State Services (DSS- Fmr E-Department) Domestic; National Intelligence Agency (NIA – Former External Affairs) External, and Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA—former DMI) Military. To summarise how we have fared as a Service against the background of the above brief history, three obvious facts suffice: Nigeria is still existing, no president has been assassinated again in the last 40 years, and we have practised 29 years of unbroken democracy. Our intelligence inputs into achieving these are known to you. However, I must add quickly that we still have a lot to do, in view of the current security challenges, especially terrorism and other violent crimes.
There should not be ethnic colouration to crime. We cannot criminalise a race or paint a whole ethnic group with one brush. Between 2003 and 2007, we had kidnappings in the South-East and South-South. Even recently, there was this viral case of Evans (aka the billionaire kidnapper). At a time in Nigeria, there was a problem of armed robbery. Remember Ishola Oyenusi, popularly called ‘Dr Oyenusi’, was a very notorious armed robber. After Oyenusi’s execution, Lawrence Anini appeared on the stage. General IBB had to ask the then IGP, ‘My friend, where is Anini?’ With him was Monday Osunbor. The point I’m making is that we met crises in this world. Apart from robbery, there was Maitatsine, Kalakato, etc. One of the problems we hope to solve is ethnic colouration and politicisation of insecurity. A criminal should be treated as one, irrespective of his colour, race or religion.
Boko Haram started around 1998, but their Jihad started during the Administration of late President Umaru Yar’Adua. The problems in Benue and Plateau are age-long. It started as a dispute over access to land resources between native farmers, most of whom are Christians, and their Fulani neighbours, the majority of whom incidentally are Muslims. Over time, local criminal groups, including terrorists who pledged allegiance to international terrorist organisations, got involved, mainly to further their sinister agenda.
In your overview, you said something fundamental: that we all seem to forget that we all live among each other. We have Yoruba and Igbo who were born and live in Sokoto, Plateau, and other parts of the North; likewise, Ebira, Kanuri, and Fulani people born and living among Yoruba, Igbo, etc., in the South. At one point, there was a paradigm shift, especially under the last administration. A particular tribe was perceived to be the most involved in crimes, especially kidnapping for ransom, in addition to land-grabbing. When and how did they become audacious?
A country should institutionalise its justice system to the extent that we fish out criminals and punish them in accordance with the laws of the land.
Per Oyo North, there were Fulanis around us. So, what radicalised them? What has changed?
What has changed is the loss of our values. I am happy you said we all grew up together. You said you were living with them in those villages, in the bush. At that time, some form of governance was extended to those remote areas: native authorities, the Regional Forest Guard Law of 1956, then the State Controlled Land Use Act and Forests Act of 1978. However, today there is no presence of governance in those places, leaving them as ungoverned spaces for criminals to keep victims of kidnapping. Hence the resuscitation of Forest Guards.
Let me tell you one of our findings during an investigation of herders and local farmers’ clash: a group of community youths had offered some nomads a piece of land to graze their livestock for a fee of N70,000, only for the real owners of the land to appear and attack the nomads, who managed to escape and abandoned their herds, which were slaughtered and shared across the community. You can’t believe that the irrational and evil-minded nomads, in turn, returned to invade the community and killed human beings in retaliation for animals.
See what we have degenerated into. On a lighter note, let me reiterate how bad it has become. As a young officer, while haggling for potatoes in Jos, I chose and paid for a big basket, not knowing that there were stones tucked underneath, half the size. In a situation where every facet of our lives has degenerated—security, hospitals, schools, markets, etc.—we need an attitudinal change and a total rebirth. Can you imagine one of our own operatives pursuing an ethnic agenda? That’s why we are purging ourselves and publishing the names of dismissed staff, because they still defraud innocent citizens who do not know they are no longer with us. You too should be an investigative journalist, not a one-sided sensational storyteller.
As for Sunday Igboho, you know I have been a strong advocate of community policing, but you need government approval, training, and supervision; otherwise, it would amount to taking the law into your own hands. Now you also said someone has 30 GPMGs. That’s all over the country: North and South. Over decades, we have allowed this, including disarming security agencies and even outright stealing from government security agencies’armouries by unscrupulous operatives. So, what government needs for rebirth is strict law enforcement: that is why we, as a Service, are now focused on convictions rather than mere arraignments. We have seven death sentences (four in the Owo case, as well as one each in Kogi, Katsina and Sokoto) as well as those jailed for between 20 and 40 years. There must be accountability.
We are also disrupting their supply chains, and you must have seen the interceptions or recoveries of 676 sophisticated firearms and 332,874 rounds of different calibres of ammunition from 29th May 2023 to date. The military, Police and other sister Agencies have also made significant recoveries, but we need to do more.
I have never been in a gathering like this where security issues have been broken down to the very basic level of understanding. You have displayed masterclass understanding of Nigeria. But besides that, I think Nigeria’s security has been mismanaged over time by politicians who played politics with it. Has politics not damaged Nigeria? Also, is there really a Fulani agenda to take over Nigeria?
Politics has not ruined Nigeria. It is only bad politicians in pursuit of their ambitions who threaten the stability of Nigeria, and that’s where you come in. I enjoin you to support the ‘United Against Terror’ campaign—to fight bad politics. Whoever started it is a good Nigerian, because that’s the way to defeat terrorists, who thrive on free publicity. The success of one encourages another. So, once we unite against insurgency, terrorism and other forms of criminality, politicians can no longer exploit them to further their selfish motives.
Now, is there a Fulani agenda to take over Nigeria? Among the terrorist groups, we have Ebira, Fulani, Igbo, Kanuri, Yoruba, etc, among the ones we arrested in the past and recently. Remember, there are diverse motivations for insurgency: religion, ethnicity, economy and politics. The notoriety of some criminals of Fulani extraction stems from the activities of some itinerant herders who destroy farms and cause communal conflicts.
As your tenure advances, what are the top priorities citizens should expect from you to consolidate on the ongoing reforms and successes?
I quote the president again: ‘Nigerians are in a hurry to celebrate peace.’ What they should expect from us is that the fight against terror, especially with strict enforcement of the law, would be strengthened. We will work more with the people. That’s why I want to again commend whoever initiated the hashtag #UniteAgainstTerror; though I first heard it on Seun Okinbaloye’s ‘Politics Today’. We need the people. As patriotic citizens, we must collectively put pressure on evildoers, showing clearly that we will not harbour evil. We need the cooperation and understanding of the people.
The turning point will be when we agree to face our common enemies, criminalise them, demonise them. The media must also strengthen its trust in the government and ensure reportage that projects hope and effort, rather than fall into the temptation to serve as mouthpieces for terror elements. We will do our part; I urge you to do your own. Do not amplify the success of terrorists or other criminals while security agencies intensify efforts to protect Nigeria’s internal security.