Events in Osun State ahead of tomorrow’s election have put critical state institutions in a tough spot; getting out of it demands that they deliver on the promises of democracy. Vincent Obia writes
Since August 5, when Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) announced the freezing of Osun State’s federal statutory allocation account, there has been a chorus of reaction, some condemning and others commending the action.
But the bottom-line appears to be that the adventure does not serve the political interests of President Bola Tinubu’s All Progressives Congress (APC), both in the state, where it is in the opposition, and at the federal level, where it is the governing party.
Tinubu had quickly realised the self-sabotage and put an end to the anti-graft agency’s misadventure.
The president said he felt “deeply embarrassed” by EFCC’s court order mandating the freezing of Osun State Government’s accounts. He, then, directed the agency, in a release on August 6, “to immediately proceed to the court to vacate the order and discontinue whatever action it has instituted against the Osun State government in this regard.”
But what looks more embarrassing is the fact exposed by the presidential directive: the independence of EFCC – and, indeed, other state institutions – is essentially at the discretion of the president.
Ahead of the Osun election, the security institutions also appear to fit that description. They seem to be acting with caution and avoiding actions that could offend the presidency and the ruling party at the national level.
Amid the tense lead-up to the Osun State election, marked by violence, deaths, and intimidation, the balance of actions by the security agencies appears to be tipped in disfavour of the opposition.
There are reports of arrest of several Accord Party members, including Osun State government officials, by the security agencies, and searches conducted at the residences of officials of the Adeleke government. While some of the officials have been released, many remain in detention.
But when the video of Senator Francis Fadahunsi, in a fit of murderous fury, making a loud public incitement to kill rival party members, went viral, the police merely invited him for questioning. The Osun East Senatorial District senator and APC member was released by the state police command after about two hours of questioning.
Fadahunsi then launched into a semantic reinterpretation of his words in the video.
State institutions face a severe test following the events in Osun State ahead of tomorrow’s election, the last off-cycle election before next year’s general election. Overcoming the challenge depends on their readiness to take deliberate steps to fulfil the true promises of democracy.
That readiness remains doubtful at the moment.
EFCC’s public affairs director, Wilson Uwujaren, while explaining the Osun saga stated, “We took that step to preserve the account of the Osun State government. We observed in the past one week that activities on that account look suspicious, and based on the mandate of the commission, we took that step of placing a restriction order on that account to preserve the account.
“That restriction order does not mean all the accounts of Osun State have been frozen. It is just a targeted restriction on one account of Osun State Government.”
Many think otherwise.
Director, Abuja School of Social and Political Thought, Dr. Sam Amadi, sees EFCC’s action as a politically motivated strategy by APC to undermine Governor Ademola Adeleke’s electoral capacity ahead of the August 15 governorship election in the state.
Adeleke, a member of Accord Party, is seeking a second term, against opposition from APC’s Bola Oyebamiji.
Amadi stated, regarding Tinubu, “This was a test, and he couldn’t stand political pressure. It clearly was an APC strategy to close down the capacity of the Osun State governor.”
He described the development as an “own goal” for those behind the move, calling the presidential directive to EFCC a face-saving measure.
Trying to punish opposition state governments through financial sanctions, especially before elections, is an old joke in Nigerian politics. It has gained popularity in the Fourth Republic.
EFCC, set up in 2002 during the presidency of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo to fight crimes that hurt the economy, has in recent times earned a bad reputation as a tool of financial chastisement in the hands of the ruling party against the opposition.
Though EFCC under Obasanjo – led then by Nuhu Ribadu – never expressly froze state government accounts, the government utilised related sanctions against states viewed as opposed to the government at the centre. A well-known case was the withholding of statutory federal allocations to local governments in Lagos State over the creation of new local council development areas by then Governor Tinubu.
But the freezing of opposition state government accounts on the eve of elections is increasingly becoming a popular political strategy.
In 2024, during the Edo State governorship election, EFCC froze the state government’s account, then under Governor Godwin Obaseki of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), citing the cliché-ridden excuse of suspicious fund movement. The agency only unfroze the account when APC’s Monday Okpebholo took over from Obaseki.
However, when Ekiti State held its governorship poll about two months ago in June, which was won by APC’s Biodun Oyebanji, who became the first governor of the state to win a consecutive second term, EFCC said it had no reason to restrict the state government’s accounts.
Uwujaren stated, “If you talk about what happened in Ekiti, we didn’t have any reason to intervene the way we are intervening now.”
Developments like this make it near-impossible to believe EFCC’s neutrality and even-handedness.
No one seems to argue the commission’s statutory right to restrict the accounts of state governments. In fact, the Court of Appeal made it clear in a September 2022 judgement (Attorney-General of Benue State versus EFCC) that EFCC could place a temporary “Post No Debt” (PND) restriction on a state government’s account for up to 72 hours during investigations before approaching the courts for judicial authorisation.
But the recurrent deployment of that mandate near elections, and mainly against states governed by opposition parties raise questions as to whether the financial probes are based on facts – or they are the product of sheer prejudice.
The commission claims to have started surveillance on Osun State’s finances since 2025. It is curious that it came out with the conclusion to freeze the state’s account just days to the governorship election.
Such a decision coming against the backdrop of rising tension, arrests of Accord Party stalwarts, and bloody political violence that has already killed nearly 30 persons raises questions about the neutrality of the anticorruption agency.
Tinubu’s intervention has saved the day. But it has also raised questions as to the independence of key institutions ahead of the Osun State governorship election – and the general election next year.
It escalates fears about the consequences of presidential instructions overriding the statutory or court-ordered actions of state agencies.
House of Representatives Minority Caucus called Tinubu’s directive to EFCC to unfreeze Osun State’s accounts a “panicky, belated afterthought”, which exposed a government “at war with itself”.
In a statement signed by the caucus leader, Fredrick Agbedi, and spokesman, Afam Ogene, the House minority caucus said, “Nigerians can now see clearly that the APC has weaponised federal institutions against opposition states – a dress rehearsal of what is to come in the 2027 general election.” Sentiments like this run deep and are shared widely across the population.
Given the heightened contradictions regarding institutional independence, democratic integrity, and executive oversight introduced by the Osun saga, it may be difficult for EFCC to conduct any financial inquest in the state – if Adeleke wins a second term – that would not be seen as politically motivated.
The distrust is being extended to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Only a few days ago, Adeleke’s campaign organisation wrote to INEC to raise concerns about alleged involvement of APC chieftains in the handling of sensitive election materials ahead of tomorrow’s poll.
Already, public confidence in INEC is fragile, which places an enormous burden on the commission to prove it can be above board.
The happenings on the eve of the Osun State governorship election have placed state institutions in a difficult position in the public eye. Escaping the crisis will require delivering on the promises of democracy. The next few days will determine if they can meet the huge demand.