Niger Delta figure Asari Dokubo has reignited one of Nigeria’s most sensitive conversations, alleging that pipeline surveillance arrangements tied to the Olu of Warri and businessman Osahon Idahosa are worth far more than the contract held by former militant leader Government Ekpemupolo, popularly known as Tompolo.
In a viral broadcast, Dokubo put the figure at N2.7 trillion annually, though he initially described it as a monthly sum before correcting himself on camera. That inconsistency has already drawn scrutiny from observers tracking the claim.
Dokubo made the comments while defending Tompolo, whose contract with Tantita Security Services has faced persistent public criticism. He questioned why that scrutiny has not extended equally to other beneficiaries of pipeline-related arrangements.
He also named businessman Arthur Eze as a former holder of a pipeline-related contract and claimed to have seen a vessel linked to former Abia State Governor Orji Uzor Kalu operating in Niger Delta waters.
None of these claims came with supporting documentation. Dokubo presented no contracts, payment records or official paperwork alongside the broadcast, and stated he has no personal involvement in the pipeline arrangements himself.
Expectedly, the Olu of Warri’s camp responded swiftly. His representative to NNPC Limited, Prince Collins Edema, dismissed the allegations as completely false and challenged Dokubo to produce concrete evidence backing the N2.7 trillion figure.
Independent analysts have raised their own doubts. Tompolo’s publicised contract has previously been valued around N48 billion, a figure vastly smaller than Dokubo’s claim, leading some to question whether he conflated raw oil production value with actual security fees.
Dokubo also floated ethnic favouritism as an explanation, suggesting Tompolo faces disproportionate scrutiny because of his Ijaw background while Bini and Itsekiri figures escape similar attention. But that is more speculation than fact, some observers quickly point out.
Other observers see tactical positioning rather than ethnic grievance. In other words, it is possible that former militant leaders are just pressuring the Tinubu administration to redistribute pipeline protection contracts among a wider pool of beneficiaries.
Leaving aside the drama, some questions do float to the surface, such as how much Nigeria truly spends protecting its pipelines, who profits from that spending, and why private contractors rather than state security forces still carry the responsibility.